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Principles of Phonetic Segmentation - Pavel Machač Radek Skarnitzl

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Elektronická kniha: Principles of Phonetic Segmentation
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This book presents guidelines for manual segmentation of the speech signal based on acoustic, articulatory, and perceptual features of speechsounds. It deals with transitions between various types of ...
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Nakladatelství: » EPOCHA
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Počet stran: 146
Rozměr: 21 cm
Úprava: ilustrace
Vydání: 1st ed.
Spolupracovali: Radek Skarnitzl
Jazyk: česky
Médium: e-book
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ISBN: 978-80-742-5032-3
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Popis

This book presents guidelines for manual segmentation of the speech signal based on acoustic, articulatory, and perceptual features of speechsounds. It deals with transitions between various types of speechsounds pronounced both canonically and in a non-standard way, mostly exploiting visual information in the spectrogram and in the waveform. The objective is to provide for uniform segmentation of phonetic corpora based on phonetically motivated and easily applicable rules. The book is designed for anyone working with human speech, whether it is phoneticians, speech technologists, or psycholinguists. That is why prior knowledge of only very elementary concepts is assumed, like “what does the spectrogram show” or “what is the formant”. The book is out in Czech and English language.

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EPOCHA PUBLISHING HOUSE EDITION ERUDICA Scientifi c Editorial Board EDITION ERUDICA prof. PhDr. František Mezihorák, CSc., Dr.h.c. – Palacký University Olomouc, CZE prof. PhDr. Erich Mistrík, CSc. – Comenius University of Bratislava, SK prof. Th Dr. Jan B. Lášek – Charles University in Prague, CZE doc. PhDr. Zdeněk Novotný, CSc. – Palacký University Olomouc, CZE doc. PhDr. Miroslav Sapík, Ph.D. – University of South Bohemia in České Budějovice, CZE Mgr. Antonín Staněk, Ph.D. – Palacký University Olomouc, CZE prof. PhDr. Cyril Diatka, CSc. – Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, SK doc. PhDr. Josef Oborný, PhD. – Comenius University of Bratislava, SK Dr. Małgorzata Świder – Instytut Historii Uniwersytetu Opolskiego, PL prof. Dr. Andrew Burgess – University of New Mexico, American Academy of Religion, USA PhDr. Martina Klicperová – Baker, CSc. – San Diego State University, USA doc. PhDr. Naděžda Pelcová, CSc. – Charles University in Prague, CZE doc. PhDr. Nikolaj Demjančuk, CSc. – University of West Bohemia in Pilsen, CZE doc. PaedDr. Vanda Hájková, Ph.D. – Charles University in Prague, CZE PRINCIPLES OF PHONETIC SEGMENTATION EPOCHA PUBLISHING HOUSE Pavel Machač & Radek Skarnitzl PRINCIPLES OF PHONETIC SEGMENTATION Copyright © Pavel Machač and Radek Skarnitzl, 2009 Cover © Petra Süsserová, 2009 Czech Edition © Epocha Publishing House, Praha 2009 ISBN 978-80-7425-032-3 Acknowledgements We would like to express our gratitude to our colleague and friend, Jan Volín, who gave us the impetus to write this book, as well as valuable advice and experience. We would also like to thank Jana Heranová and Lucie Ondrušková for their insightful comments on an earlier version of the manuscript. Th is book was written with the support of the grants MRTN- CT-2006-035561 (European grant, Sound to Sense), VZ MSM 0021620825 of the Czech Ministry of Education, and GACR 102/09/0989 (Chapters 10 and 12). Contents 1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 1.1. Why do we need segment boundaries? . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 1.2. What do we mean by “the boundary”? . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 1.3. Phonetic features . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 1.3.1. Inherent phonetic features. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 1.3.2. Extrinsic phonetic features . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 1.3.3. Segment boundaries and distribution of phonetic features . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 1.4. Methodological and terminological remarks. . . . . . 23 2. Intervocalic plosives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 2.1. Articulatory and acoustic lead-in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 2.2. Inherent phonetic features and basic segmentation rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 2.3. Additional segmentation guidelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 2.4. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 3. Intervocalic fricatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 3.1. Articulatory and acoustic lead-in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 3.2. Inherent phonetic features and basic segmentation rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 3.3. Additional segmentation guidelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 3.4. Th e “less fricative” fricatives, /v/ and /h/ . . . . . . . . . . . 47 3.5. On segmenting aff ricates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 3.6. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 4. Intervocalic nasal consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 4.1. Articulatory and acoustic lead-in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 4.2. Inherent phonetic features and basic segmentation rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 4.3. Vowel-nasal boundary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 4.4. Nasal-vowel boundary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 4.5. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 5. Intervocalic trills . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 5.1. Articulatory and acoustic lead-in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 5.2. Inherent phonetic features and basic segmentation rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 5.2.1. Th e “cycle-oriented” way . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 5.2.2. Th e “extended” way . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 5.3. Additional segmentation guidelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 5.4. Th e Czech fricative trill ř . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 5.5. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 6. Intervocalic glides . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 6.1. Articulatory and acoustic lead-in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 6.2. Inherent phonetic features and basic segmentation rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 6.2.1. Acoustic approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 6.2.2. Perceptual approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82 6.3. Additional segmentation guidelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 6.4. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 7. Intervocalic lateral alveolar approximant . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 7.1. Articulatory and acoustic lead-in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 7.2. Inherent phonetic features and basic segmentation rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 7.3. Other segmentation guidelines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 7.4. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 8. Obstruent clusters of diff erent manner of articulation 101 8.1. Articulatory and acoustic lead-in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 8.2. Basic segmentation rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 8.3. Additional segmentation guidelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 8.4. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 9. Obstruent-liquid sequences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 9.1. Clusters with [l] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 9.2. Clusters with [r] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 9.3. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 10. Sequences of speechsounds with the same manner of articulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 10.1. Clusters of two consecutive stops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 10.2. Clusters of two consecutive fricatives . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 10.3. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 11. Th e glottal stop in word-initial wowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 11.1. Plosive-like glottal stop . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 11.2. Creaky glottal stop . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 11.3. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 12. Utterance beginnings and ends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 12.1. Initial speechsounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 12.2. Final speechsounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 12.3. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 13. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 14. References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 Motto: Everythin g has boundaries, though often unclear. – 11 – 1. Introduction 1.1. Why do we need segment boundaries? Th e ultimate goal of any phonetic research is to understand the structure of speech and its various functions in communication (Kohler, 2007). To reveal the structure, we must try to fi nd a sensible and generally acceptable way of delimiting the primitive units of this structure. In practical terms, we need to divide the continuous acoustic signal into discrete segments and associate them with more or less abstract phonetic symbols. Obviously, the size of the units depends on the nature of the research task at hand: we may be interested in segmenting, for example, speechsounds, words, stress groups, intonation phrases, or breath groups. In this book, we will focus on the segmentation of units on the level of speechsounds. One might argue (and we have encountered this argument) that the knowledge of segment boundaries is not necessary for most areas of phonetic research. It is true that some specifi c research tasks require other units or parameters. We believe, however, that the knowledge of segment boundaries is still the most universal way to approach the speech material. Annotation on the level of individual segments will be useful not only for studying segmental properties of speech (e.g., temporal characteristics, spectral changes within a speechsound), but also for many kinds of tasks associated with what we call prosodic research. Let us look at only two examples: (1) to examine intonation patterns (not mere F0 contours) we want to know the temporal midpoints of syllable nuclei; (2) the investigation into rhythmic properties of a language is usually related to the temporal behaviour of speechsounds or their classes. – 12 – It is well known that one sentence will never be pronounced twice, from the objective physical viewpoint, in an absolutely identical way. Obviously, various speakers will diff er in their productions, but even the same speaker in the same communicative and semantic context will not produce two completely identical sentences. In short, speech is an extremely variable phenomenon. Th e purpose of phonetic investigations is to fi nd some stability, invariance in this variability, because if some degree of invariance did not exist, speech could not function as a means of communication. Invariance in speech cannot be revealed by examining a  few sentences uttered by one speaker. What we need is a representative sample of speech material, a large and structured corpus. To be able to talk about a phonetic corpus, the recorded speech must be processed in a uniform way. For our purposes, this processing includes not only transcription, but especially segmentation. Th e demarcation of phonetic units – whether segments or others – can proceed in two ways: automatically or manually. A number of automatic instruments have been developed, most frequently based on HMMs (e.g., Wester et al., 2001; Kominek et al., 2003; Pollák et al., 2007). Unfortunately, these methods are at present not accurate enough for phonetic research and they need manual correction. An HMM-generated segmentation and a manually corrected segmentation of two words are compared in Figure 1.1 (this serves as an illustration, and the discrepancies will not be analyzed here). It is obvious that the output of HMM segmentation can be used for a rough indication of segment boundaries, but not for drawing linguistically interpretable conclusions. Th is leads to our conviction that human input is essential in the preparation of speech corpora, if we have truly phonetic research in mind. Human input here entails a manual approach to segmentation. – 13 – Naturally, we are aware that manual segmentation has several disadvantages. First, it is known to be time-consuming, and developing a phonetic corpus is thus always a long-term endeavour. Second, manual segmentation is demanding in terms of labeller expertise. Many researchers have criticized it as inherently subjective and therefore inconsistent and irreproducible (e.g., Wesenick & Kipp, 1996; Pitt et al., 2005). Everyone who has attempted to manually segment a stretch of speech has probably had the bitter experience of not being able to decide on the location of a segment boundary. More frequently than we would like, there seem to be several plausible reasons for considerably diff erent boundary placements, or there seem to be no cues for boundary placement at all. Finally, we make a decision and, returning to the same item the following day, change our mind and move the boundary elsewhere. Th is means that both inter-labeller and intra-labeller consistency is an issue in manual segmentation. Th e accuracy of manual segmentation across diff erent labellers has been examined in various studies. Cosi et al. (1991, quoted in Pauws et al., 1996) showed that more than 10 % of boundaries diff ered in their placement by more than 20 ms. Th e Figure 1.1. Comparison of HMM-generated and manually corrected segmentation of two Czech words. – 14 – results of inter-labeller comparison in P itt et al. (2005) show an average deviation in boundary placement of 16 ms, and those in Wesenick & Kipp (1996) a deviation of about 10 ms. Kvale & Foldvik (1991) labelled 748 speechsounds based on relatively simple criteria and found that 96.5 % of boundaries had a deviation of less than 20 ms. Several years ago, we decided to try to minimize interlabeller discrepancies. We wanted to see whether relatively simple guidelines for labellers, based on (if possible) phonetically signifi cant events in the acoustic continuum, can lead to a higher inter-labeller agreement. We formulated guidelines for specifi c speechsound combinations: intervocalic plosives, fricatives and nasals (Volín et al., 2008). Mean deviations across three labellers turned out to be signifi cantly lower than in the comparable study of Wesenick & Kipp (1996), as shown in Table 1.1. To be able to compare our results with those of Cosi et al. (1991, as reported in Pauws et al., 1996), the deviations in boundary placement are expressed in terms of increasing boundary type mean deviation (ms) Wesenick & Kipp (1996) mean deviation (ms) Volín et al. (2008) vowel-plosive12.0 1.8 plosive-vowel6.0 1.3 vowel-fricative8.0 3.0 fricative-vowel9.5 2.4 vowel-nasal9.0 2.0 nasal-vowel8.0 2.6 T able 1.1. Comparison of mean inter-labeller deviations in Wesenick & Kipp (1996) and in Volín et al. (2008). For simplifi cation, the diff erences between voiced and voiceless obstruents are not listed here. – 15 – correct margins in Table 1.2. Although the results of Cosi et al. are presumably based on all segment combinations, it is obvious that segmentation guidelines can markedly reduce inter-labeller discrepancies. With such encouraging results, we decided to formulate similar segmentation rules for other speechsound combinations and to gather them in the present study. Th e result of our eff ort is what you are just about to explore. We believe that the existence of such rules will allow more people (even students) to work on the development of a phonetic corpus, while guaranteeing (at least to a point) a uniform approach to segmentation. Th is will speed up the preparation of the corpus without compromising the reliability of segmentation. Our inter-labeller reliability will be addressed in the fi nal section of the book. Stipulating segmentation guidelines has been attempted before, for example by the creators of the Buckeye corpus who published an online labelling manual (Kiesling et al., 2008). Th is manual is a set of written instructions, without any illustrations of spectrograms or waveforms, and some of the guidelines are, in our opinion, not suffi ciently descriptive. We tried to specify the criteria for boundary placement as rigorously as possible, and to accompany them by visual examples. co rrect margin intervocalic plosives intervocalic fricatives intervocalic nasals = 0 ms53 % 32 % 43 % < 3 ms82 % 66 % 74 % < 6 ms96 % 88 % 91 % < 9 ms98 % 95 % 96 % < 15 ms99.4 % 99 % 98 % Table 1.2. Correct margins in the segmentation of intervocalic plosives, fricatives, and nasals (based on Volín et al., 2008).


       

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